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| First published in The Haiti-Observateur, March 23-30, 1994 |
| Can democracry be achieved in any country, particularly |
| in Haiti over a period of seven months? |
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS - Over the past 29 months, Jean-Bertrand Aristide and his
fanatics have maintained that "there can be no democracy in Haiti" without him.
Proceeding with their claim, "upon resuming his presidential duties in the tiny
Caribbean nation, there will be democracy for everybody." What an aberration?
Certainly, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the exiled president, now living in Washington, D.C.,
the imperialist capital as he used to call it, was said to have been elected with 67.5% of
the votes cast in the December 16, 1990 presidential election. Still about 33%, mostly
middle and upper class citizens, voted against him. They couldn't accept the
one-dimensional candidate whose motto was "anti-Macoutism."
Aristide's ability to
speak the language of the masses had a powerful allure. Many Haitians electors, however,
voted for him under duress, for fear of being associated with members of Francois
"Papa Doc" Duvalier's militia, commonly called Tontons-Macoute. In this regard,
I am taking the liberty to say that his seven months in office were just an extension of
the 187 years of political farce, political demagoguery, political incompetence and the
kleptocracy, which today, are still the components of the Haitian political culture,
reflected in the Haitian political lexicon.
Aristide is not a saint
as he has been portrayed by the United States' news media and others. He is a demagogue!
He is a madman! Above all, he is a power-hungry man and Maoist. Why?
Because his seven months in office are well-marked as an era of pronounced
"dictatorship of the proletariat" without precedent in Haitian history. Let's
take a look back at some issues.
To begin with, Aristide had no real economic program for Haiti. Nor did he have a
political program for the Caribbean nation, except threatening to further burn citizens
alive so he could extort money from them. This was evidenced by his September 27, 1991
speech at the Haitian National Palace.
In that speech, he told the crowd, composed mostly of Third World standard
"bidonville," or slum residents: If you catch a
thief, a robber, a swindler, or an embezzler, if you catch a fake Lavalas (adherent of a
system of organization whose main approach is equal distribution of wealth), ... if you
catch someone who does not deserve to be where he is, do not fail to give him what he
deserves (an allusion to the practice of putting used car tires around the necks of
victims and pouring gasoline and setting them on fire - the
crowd cheered ... Do not fail to give him what he deserves! Do not fail to give him what
he deserves! Your tool is in your hands. Your instrument is in your hands. Your
Constitution is in your hands. Do not fail to give him what he derives. (loud cheers from
the crowd). That device is in your hands. Your trowel is in your hands ... Article 291 of
the Constitution, which is symbolized by the center of the head where there is no more
hair, provides that the Macoutes are excluded from the political game. Do not fail to give
them what they deserve. We are watching all Macoute activities throughout the country. We
are watching and praying. If you catch one, do not fail to give him what he deserves. What
a nice instrument! (loud cheers from the crowd) ... What a nice device! (the crowd
cheers). It is a pretty one. It is elegant, attractive, splenderous, graceful, and
dazzling. It smells good. Wherever you go, you fell like smelling it. (The crowd cheers).
| As Aristide continued with his terrorist speech it became
clear that Haiti's tiny bourgeoisie was his real target. "While
there are patriotic bourgeois who earned their money through honest means, unfortunately
this is the bourgeois' last chance ... It will not be my fault, because this money is not
really yours. You acquired it through criminal activity. You made it by plundering, by
embezzling ... You made it under oppressive regimes ..., under a corrupt system ... Today
seven months after 7 February, on a day ending with the numerical seven, I give you one
last chance, because you will not have two or three more chances, only one. Otherwise, it
will not be good for you! (Applause) ... Haaaaaa!" (The crowd cheers). In
its Article 189, the 1987 Haitian Constitution stipulates that any attempt to carry out
acts of subvesion, which are limited to coup d'état and destruction of state properties,
constitutes a threat to "State Security." A defendant or defendants |
 |
| A political opponent of brutal dictator
Jean-Bertrand Aristide burned alive |
|
| convicted of such crime shall be confined in a penitentiary for a maximum
of 15 years. |
Ironically, Dr. Roger Lafontant, a former Tonton-Macoute supreme chief and author of
that law, who attempted but failed in January 1991 to prevent the "little red
priest" Aristide from ascending the presidency, was confined for life. He was later
murdered allegedly on orders from leftist tyrant Aristide on September 29, 1991. Between
70 and 100 suspected political opponents were necklaced. Some remains of the victims were
eaten by the populace which washed down the flesh with clarin,
a cheap Haitian rum.
Coincidentally, a Haitian political and social scientist who spoke to me on condition of
anonymity for this article has stated: "No one needs to hold a
Ph.D. in political science to say that from day one Aristide failed to realize that his
policies were far from being the best for Haiti. He never understood the basic principles
of democracy and how they should be implemented.
On the eve of the trial of Lafontont and his accomplices, Aristide went on public radio
and television and told Haitians: "If the judges don't do what
they are supposed to do, we will necklace them all." Approximately a
week after the trial of international significance, which lasted less than two days, at a
rally of secondary school students, Aristide asked his devoted fanatics: "If
the judges were not afraid of Pere Lebrun (necklacing), would Dr. Lafontant and his
accomplices be sent to prison for life? The students shouted: "No! No! ---
Some in the crowd were incredulous, but they became
convinced that they were not dreaming when Aristide went on and put it this way:
"Was Pere Lebrun inside the courthouse? "No!, the students shouted back
"Was Pere Lebrun in front of the courthouse? "Yes!" Did the people use Pere
Lebrun? "No!" "Do not say that I said it! (laughter!)
Such a pattern of behavior led a great number of academics, diplomats, and ordinary
Haitian citizens who voted for Aristide believing that he would be the first democrat that
Haiti ever known to ask what's going on? How can most of these poor and illiterate people
take seriously a president who can only make them feel good but unable to alleviate their
misery? They were finally convinced that Aristide did not look or act presidential. They
saw Haiti sliding inexorably into the embrace of Fidel Castro.
Prompted by a growing fear, the business sector began to cut back on certain operations.
Some ceased doing business altogether. This resulted in the loss of thousands of light
manufacturing jobs that the poverty-stricken citizens desperately needed.
Indeed, many citizens were truly afraid for their lives. This was especially so for
Americans living in Haiti who were viewed by members of the regime's "Politburo"
as villains and Satans. Even the police and members of the Haitian army were powerless.
On August 13, 1991 the mobs departed from their headquarters at the Haitian Department of
Interior and began to gather by the thousands inside and outside the parliament building,
beating some Deputies to prevent a vote of no confidence against Aristide's rubber-stamped
Prime Minister, Rene Preval, a former neighborhood baker with no experience in government
affairs.
Members of the army as well as of the Catholic Church turned a blind eye to this chaotic
situation, for fear of being burned alive by mobs. They had not forgotten the burning of
the old Haitian Cathedral in Port-au-Prince by the mobs searching for Archbishop Francois
Wolf Ligonde who they accused of being a Macoute and a CIA agent. Also, in January 1991,
the Papal Nuncio was stripped to his underwear and molested and his Zairean secretary
suffered machete blows that almost cost him his life.
It would have taken me days of writing to further enumerate Aristide's dictatorial acts
during his short tenure as Haiti's eight president - depending on how you count them -
over the first five of Duvalier's departure to France, in 1986.
In short, I am certain that democracy is not an "instant" product, something
that can be achieved overnight. It's, rather, a system to which one aspire on a sequential
basis. For example, there was a time in the United States when women were not allowed to
vote. Not long ago Blacks and Whites were forbidden from sitting at the same table, as
racial segregation remained the law of the land in several states. After years of
struggle, however, in 1964 the amended Civil Rights Act reversed such a mandated pattern
of social behavior.
It is time for Aristide to stop lying to my fellow Haitian compatriots that there will be
democracy in Haiti once he returns.
As the previously mentioned political scientist has said, Aristide does not understand
even the rudimentary principles of democracy and how they should be implemented. He is a
maniac depressive! He is a sick man! He is a threat to the Americas, as evidenced by his
attempted implementation of communism in Haiti, even though such a political system has
been totally discredited and no longer the order of the day.
As of this writing, he has no plan for Haiti other than continuing to collect money from
some of the estimated one million hard-working former or Haitian nationals living in the
U.S. and elsewhere for the purpose of invading Haiti from U.S. soil, (a violation of the
U.S. Neutrality Act) to unseat the Haitian military.
As I was concluding this article, some economists returned my telephone calls. One noted
that according to the 1992 World Development Report, published for the World Bank by
Oxford University Press, gross domestic investments have plummeted to 8.0 percent from,
14.8 percent. Not only the country has public and private debts of $874 million that it is
unable to service, its estimated 85% illiteracy rate will be an obstacle to economic
development for decades. This situation, as depressing as it is, will sure leave the very
few Haitian professionals and intellectuals with no market to produce for, even 30 years
hence.
With the most recent reimposition of economic sanctions on Haiti by the United Nations,
certainly the statistics have to be much more disturbing.Haiti's estimated 6.5 million
population is growing at an annual rate of 1.9% and projected to reach approximately eight
million in a decade. Yet, to our knowledge, no one has a plan to deal with the anticipated
catastrophe. Not even Aristide, who calls himself "the father of Haitian
democracy," a 'messiah," a "prophet," whatnot! ...
I wonder how Haiti can start the 21st Century on a positive note! Where do I go from here?
It is a "One Billion Dollar Question."
Obviously Haiti is a basket case. Most of the economics professors I have contacted
testify to this. Haiti, mountainous land, is the poorest nation of the Western Hemisphere,
with a per capita income of $370. Haiti is a place where people have no hope. It is also a
place where politicians traditionally seek power just for the sake of power. That is well
illustrated by events of the past 190 years of Haiti's so-called independence from France.
Haiti's chronic problems cannot be addressed and resolved just by one person, as Aristide
pretends. Instead, Haitians, in collaboration with the international community, must forge
a policy of "public consensus" in their divided and impoverished nation. It must
be accomplished by what can be best described as a "non-party system" made up of
democrats, nationalists, and, yes "Duvalierists." This will, hopefully, pave the
way for the rebuilding of the never-healthy Haitian economy on a stable foundation,
transcending what's called "the politics of identity" or "the politics of
difference."
Yves A. Isidor is spokesperson for "We Haitians United We Stand For Democracy, a
Cambridge, MA-based nonpartisan political pressure group.
Correspond with Yves A. Isidor via electronic mail: wehaitians@gis.net.
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